Ma Marko Šukalo, Doctoral Candidate in Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law, University of Belgrade
The political history, development of statehood, and the rise of the idea of Serbian unification represent inexhaustible topics explored by historians, geographers, political scientists, legal scholars, and researchers of various disciplines. Amid the surge of differing views and opinions, one fact remains indisputable: the Serbian people constitute an organized historical whole which, truth be told, has not always been homogeneous and has been subjected to terrifying crimes aimed at subjugating an old, courageous, and freedom-loving nation.
The unquenchable desire of the Serbian people for freedom culminated in the Serbian Revolution (the First and Second Serbian Uprisings), when Serbian statehood was reestablished after being interrupted by the fall of the Serbian Despotate (in Serbia) and the Kingdom (in Bosnia). The resurrection of Serbia following Ottoman occupation also inspired the Serbs of the Krajina to rise up in 1806 in the village of Mašići in Lijevče. Historians—honorable exceptions aside—unfortunately often fail to connect what is fundamentally linked. Namely, when considering the territory of today’s Republic of Srpska, the uprising in the Lijevče field, beneath Mount Kozara, represents the first modern expression of the aspiration to unite all Serbian lands and regions. The goal of this uprising, which was quickly crushed in blood, was to expand the rebellion led by Karađorđe into what was then Bosnia.
The aspiration for unification was formalized with the adoption of the “Proclamation to the Bosnian People” on July 2, 1876, through which Bosnia (the Krajina, Posavina, and Podrinje districts and municipalities with a Serbian majority) declared annexation to the Principality of Serbia. Herzegovina, following the outbreak of the Nevesinje rifle rebellion, expressed readiness to unite with Serbia and Montenegro. However, for the Serbs on the left bank of the Drina, the sun of freedom remained out of reach for several more decades, as the Austro-Hungarian boot stepped into the ancestral Serbian lands of Herzegovina and Bosnia.
Instead of capitalizing on the glorious victories in the First and Second Balkan Wars, as well as the early triumphs in the First World War—particularly the battles of Cer and Kolubara—the Serbian government, led by Nikola Pašić, entered negotiations with the ad hoc and fundamentally illegitimate “Yugoslav Committee,” which in 1917 presented itself as a representative body of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, then in its final throes.
Pašić—whose actions and political skill should be assessed by historians—signed the Corfu Declaration together with Ante Trumbić, thereby condemning the Serbian people to a century of wandering: from trench to trench, from one imposed border to another, each redrawn with blood.
The Corfu Declaration established and politically affirmed the idea of uniting “all South Slavs” into a single state, thereby disregarding the offers of the great powers, which had envisioned territorial expansion of the Kingdom of Serbia. Also overlooked was the subsequent statement by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson—known as the “Fourteen Points” document—in which Point 11 proclaims Serbia’s right to access the sea, as well as the principle that “the relations of the Balkan states to one another should be determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality”. Nevertheless, it was the idea of the Corfu Declaration that prevailed and remained in force, marking the official beginning of the Serbian people’s descent into the abyss.
The abyss of the Serbian people was the joint Yugoslav state—marked by death camps, bottomless pits filled with slaughtered and half-slaughtered Serbs, camps for children, burned churches and schools where entire villages, hamlets, and families perished in flames. The abyss of the Serbian people culminated in the Genocide against Serbs, committed by the Independent State of Croatia. However, it turned out that the abyss could be even deeper, greater, darker, and more dreadful—the joint Yugoslav state was reestablished, in which Serbs, now without pretense, were openly marginalized, and in which the provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo and Metohija were both de facto and de jure amputated from them. At the same time, there was no autonomy granted to Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina or in Croatia.
Even though the Serbian soldier liberated Sarajevo, Zagreb, and Ljubljana in both world wars, Yugoslavia could not be preserved—because no one, except the Serbs, ever truly wanted it. The Corfu Declaration was paid for with yet another bloody war, one that marked the entire final decade of the twentieth century.
The historical and essential value of major decisions made in decisive moments increases with the passage of time. The most precise example of this assertion is the one from the end of 1991 and the beginning of 1992, when the Assembly of the Serbian People (the National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska) was formed and the Republic of Srpska was proclaimed. The Declaration on the Proclamation of the Republic of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina—later the Republic of Srpska—was the first step toward nullifying the disastrous consequences of the Corfu Declaration.
After the Defensive–Patriotic War, the Republic of Srpska entered a period of stabilization, economic development, institutional organization and improvement, as well as years of struggle with (il)legitimate High Representatives, who gradually stripped away parts of the Republic of Srpska’s statehood as verified by the Dayton Agreement, transferring its constitutional competencies to the level of the newly established Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. “What is crookedly born time does not straighten” — the famous phrase by jurist Valtazar Bogišić — is entirely applicable to today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is not the product of the will of its three constituent peoples, but rather the result of compromise and a general desire for peace. And as such, it can exist only if compromise, parity, and consociational democracy are preserved.
It is possible that today we would not even be discussing Bosnia and Herzegovina if it had not been for the Corfu Declaration, which, instead of resolving issues, merely opened a series of questions that still await answers. Therefore, credit must be given to the current generation of Serbs who found the strength, 107 years after the agreement between Pašić and Trumbić, to draft, harmonize, adopt, and promulgate the Declaration on the Protection of the National and Political Rights and the Common Future of the Serbian People. The effects of the Declaration adopted at the All-Serbian Assembly in Belgrade just over a year ago (on June 8, 2024) will be studied and evaluated in the decades to come. The Corfu Declaration was a Serbian–Yugoslav agreement, while the Declaration on the Protection of the National and Political Rights and the Common Future of the Serbian People represents a Serbian–Serbian agreement.
The All-Serb Assembly was a tribute to the great župan Stefan Nemanja, Emperor Dušan the Mighty, Prince Lazar, King Stefan Tvrtko, and other Serbian rulers who organized state assemblies and, together with the people and clergy, made momentous decisions. The All-Serb Assembly was also a tribute to future generations of Serbs, to whom the burden of failed political visions is not left, but clear guidelines that will lead to the common future of the Serbian people. The All-Serb Declaration is the most important strategic and political document of priceless historical value for the Serbian people, for the Republic of Srpska, and for the Republic of Serbia.
Given that the Declaration on the Protection of National and Political Rights and the Common Future of the Serbian People will be the cornerstone of Serbian political thought in the 21st century, we will highlight some parts of the Declaration.
Article 1 of the All-Serbian Declaration defines the composition of the All-Serbian Assembly, which consists of representatives of Serbs elected to legislative and executive authorities, members of academies of sciences and arts, members of the Assembly of the Serbian Orthodox Church, and other representatives of the Serbian people invited by the organizers of the All-Serbian Assembly. It is important that the Assembly also includes Serbian representatives elected in the diaspora, as they faithfully represent the Serbian people in their places of residence. It is particularly significant that the Assembly includes the hierarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which has always held immeasurable importance for the Serbian people, a fact confirmed in multiple parts of the Declaration.
Articles 4 and 5 of the Declaration state that the Serbian people represent a unified whole, rejecting all previously imposed and malicious prefixes before the noun “Serbs.” The Assembly also declared a fight against the assimilation of Serbs across all longitudes, emphasizing the overcoming of all divisions that have oppressed the Serbian people. It is important to highlight that the Republic of Srpska has long since overcome the divisions from the Second World War and stood united in defending its statehood during the 1990s. The Serbian people must not renounce either of their two antifascist movements—the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland and the Partisan movement—because both were born from the people, with Serbs forming a clear majority in both, and both fought for the freedom of the Serbian people.
The All-Serb Assembly paid special attention to Kosovo and Metohija, and in Articles 11–14 of the Declaration, it set out permanent commitments and goals that imply respect for UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the preservation of Kosovo and Metohija as part of the Republic of Serbia. The All-Serb Assembly expressed support for Serbia’s intention to preserve its territorial integrity. The Serbian people are dedicated to respecting both domestic law and universally accepted principles of international law, because only a world based on respect for agreements can have a future, whereas a world dominated by the power and force of one (or more) superpowers is irreversibly heading towards self-destruction.
The All-Serb Declaration states that the Republic of Srpska is satisfied with the autonomy established by the Dayton Peace Agreement (Article 23). However, the Declaration also notes that the Dayton Peace Agreement has been fundamentally and permanently undermined due to the ongoing interventionism of parts of the international community (Article 18). The Assembly tasked the Republic of Serbia, as a signatory, to internationalize the issue of the collapse of this international agreement (Article 19). It also emphasized the right of Republic of Srpska to regain the powers that were taken away, which, according to the currently valid Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, belong to the entities. The Assembly confirmed that Republic of Srpska is a unified and indivisible constitutional-legal entity that independently exercises its constitutional, legislative, executive, and judicial functions in accordance with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Annex IV of the Dayton Peace Agreement, and its territory cannot be alienated outside of the Constitution and laws of Republic of Srpska (Article 20).
The All-Serb Assembly rejected the illegitimate High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, stating in Article 25 that the appointment of the High Representative requires the consent of the contracting parties, as well as an appropriate resolution of the United Nations Security Council. The Declaration also supported the military neutrality of the Republic of Serbia regarding all military alliances, and it endorsed Republic of Srpska’s intention to use its capacities to influence processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina so that Bosnia and Herzegovina also remains militarily neutral (Article 28).
Republic of Srpska and the Republic of Serbia have, for more than a decade, jointly commemorated the most significant historical events, preserving and affirming the historical memory of the Serbian people. With this goal, the national holiday — Day of Serbian Unity, Freedom, and the National Flag — was established, which we celebrate together on September 15 in honor of the breakthrough of the Salonika Front. The All-Serb Assembly decided that February 15 — Sretenje — will be the Day of All-Serb Statehood, which will also be observed in Republic of Srpska as the Day of Statehood of Republic of Srpska, while simultaneously continuing to observe and celebrate January 9, the Day of the Republic and the patron saint’s day (Slava) of Republic of Srpska.
The Republic of Srpska gained a lot by adopting the Declaration. The Republic of Srpska gained Statehood Day!
In the National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska, legislative measures have already been undertaken to restore the official use of the all-Serb Nemanjic coat of arms and the all-Serb anthem Bože pravde (God of Justice) in the Republic of Srpska, which represents the implementation of Article 30 of the Declaration. The Declaration also mandates joint efforts to preserve, promote, and protect the Serbian language and Cyrillic script (Articles 31 and 32), as well as the construction of two monumental memorials in Donja Gradina and Belgrade (Article 35), to immortalize and present to the world the unprecedented suffering and Genocide of Serbs during the Second World War.
The Declaration proclaims the obligation of the Republic of Srpska and the Republic of Serbia to continuously support Serbian returnees who have returned to their homes in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Article 38), as well as the obligation to establish the All-Serb Fund “Our Children Are Being Born,” whose goal will be to design, finance, and implement pro-natalist projects, as well as to preserve the traditional and family values of the Serbian people (Articles 39 and 40). With the aim of connecting the youth, the Declaration foresees the harmonization of all curricula and programs from elementary school to university, as well as the organization of two-way school and student excursions between the Republic of Srpska and the Republic of Serbia (Article 41).
Economic allignment, market harmonization, joint representation before third parties, coordinated and planned agricultural production, and infrastructure connectivity are the goals outlined in Articles 42–48 of the Declaration. The Republic of Srpska and the Republic of Serbia possess resources and potential that can be utilized for mutual progress and to improve social welfare and the living standards of all citizens. The All-Serb Assembly especially welcomes the joint activities of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Srpska in the construction of the Banja Luka–Belgrade highway, the development of a gas pipeline through the Republic of Srpska, the airport in Trebinje, as well as the construction of joint hydroelectric power plants (Article 47).
The Declaration concludes with a proposal for a treaty of historical reconciliation, which the Serbian people will offer to all neighboring nations, with the goal of creating improved regional relations (Article 49). As a state-building nation, the Serbian people have the obligation to play a key role in influencing the entire region—promoting peace, stability, and a shared future for all in Southeast Europe.
The All-Serbian Declaration promotes universal values and obliges the Republic of Srpska and the Republic of Serbia to be pillars and guardians of peace and promoters of stability. The Declaration rejects unnecessary resolutions that could only complicate relations among nations, while at the same time expressing reverence for all victims of all wars.
The National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska ratified the Declaration on the Protection of National and Political Rights and the Joint Future of the Serbian People with a three-quarters majority, after which the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia also ratified it, making the All-Serbian Declaration an official part of the political policies of both the Republic of Srpska and the Republic of Serbia.
The All-Serbian Declaration is the foundation for resolving the Serbian question in the future, and its very title contains the essence — the joint future of the Serbian people. The success of addressing the Serbian question directly depends on unity. However, disunity has all too often been a stumbling block in Serbian history. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that Serbian unity comes to life both in the Republic of Srpska and in Serbia, but it is equally important that the unity between the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Srpska lives on forever. Unity is urgently needed, especially in light of the tectonic political, quasi-legal, and unconstitutional shifts occurring in the Republic of Srpska and the internal destabilization within the Republic of Serbia. All-Serbian unity is our “stone which the builders rejected, that has become the cornerstone” (Gospel of Matthew 21:42).
For more than a century, the illusion of the disastrous idea of a common state of South Slavic peoples, formalized in the Corfu Declaration, endured. The Serbian people have finally rejected all historical delusions, expressed a desire to correct their own mistakes and ultimately gained a national program in the form of the All-Serbian Declaration, which will serve as a foundation for stepping into a shared future.
The All-Serbian Declaration is not directed against anyone, nor does it pose a threat to others. Other peoples also have the right to adopt their own programmatic goals, declarations, or resolutions — as they have done in the past. This is a democratic right of every nation. Thus, the Serbian people have the legitimate right to care for their future and to leave the future generations of Serbs sound and foundational values, goals and messages — on the basis of which the Serbian question will cease to be a question.