Confronted with the growing insignificance of its own position on the global stage, contemporary Europe—embodied in the European Union—is once again directing its increasingly pronounced aggressiveness toward Russia. As was the case eighty years ago, one word echoes across the continent: War. Not just any war, but a war against Russia. That ominous and deranged obsession of the European elites is once more haunting Europe’s capitals—some more than others.

Various think tanks, intellectuals, politicians and officials are all calling for Europe to rearm, even at the expense of education, social welfare, or the economy. Europe is once again rattling its sabres, yet the continent has long ceased to be what it was a hundred years ago. Its self-inflicted demographic, economic, geopolitical and cultural decline has rendered European states mere objects in the relations of great powers. Everything is lacking—except arrogance, which still rests on the perverted dichotomy of the Western ubermensch and the Eastern untermensch.

The warmongering narrative is accompanied by an extensive and organized historical revisionism through which the blame for the two world wars—which claimed tens of millions of lives—is gradually shifted from Germany and other Western states onto nations such as the Russians and Serbs, who, despite their immense sacrifices, emerged as victors. Just as in the former socialist Yugoslavia and the USSR, the European project is now constructing a new European man, a European “brotherhood and unity” centered, on what else, than on the promotion of Western European “values” and the negation of Slavic suffering.

This Europe welcomes the new Croatian Cemetery Law—one that effectively completes the process of physical destruction, assimilation and expulsion of Serbs from the Krajina, a plan conceived more than a hundred years ago. Serbs were once unwanted as the living. Now, they are unwanted as the dead. The policy of quiet ethnic cleansing of the Serbian population from Kosovo and Metohija and from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina meets with no condemnation. Why would it? The new (West) European man has no time for history—for history holds all of his mistakes. In his progressive fervour, he longs only for the future, despite the fact that, objectively, he has none.

Previous projects of European unification have ended with a march on Moscow. Perhaps that is the fate awaiting the European Union as well. At the same time, those earlier projects of European unification disappeared during their march on Moscow. In the new balance of power and under conditions shaped by modern weapons systems, it is questionable whether Europe could survive another war with Russia.

The current crisis within Bosnia and Herzegovina, instigated by Christian Schmidt as a representative of the collective West, is merely a microcosm of the broader European political crisis—in which the Western part of the continent once again seeks, with the help of local comprador elites, to colonize the countries of Eastern Europe by subjecting them to the ideology and policies of Brussels-based structures. In the clash between globalists and sovereigntists, a call to once more march eastward echoes across Europe.

For all those who truly honour the legacy and traumas of the struggle against Nazism, being present at the Victory Parade on May 9 in Moscow comes organically, naturally. It feels like returning home. On the anniversary marking the triumph over Nazi Germany and its numerous satellites, Red Square will once again witness the march of Russian army units and modern instruments of warfare. Beyond human eye and infinite, the Immortal Regiment will march alongside them—composed of the soldiers and civilians whose lives were woven into the Great Victory, of all the nations which, in that decisive hour, stood on the right side of history—us Serbs included.

To be in Moscow on May 9 is least of all a political message. To be in Moscow on May 9 is first and foremost a gesture of honouring our ancestors and passing on a vow to our descendants. As a political subject, the Serbian people remain open to cooperation with all who recognize and respect our national interests. Participation in the ceremonial parade in Moscow is an unmistakable sign that we clearly recognize who has shown the will and interest for genuine cooperation—both with Belgrade and with Banja Luka.